1.
He believes we have good verification.
Here is what his colleague, Senator Schumer, Democrat said in opposing the deal
“First, inspections are not “anywhere, anytime”;
the 24-day delay efore we can inspect is
troubling. More troubling is the fact that the
US can’t demand inspections unilaterally”
2.
He admits Iran is a bad actor and not
trustworthy. He admits Can’t predict what will happen in future.
3.
He admits Iran with nuclear weapons
would be very bad and a danger to us and Israel.
4. He
argues the deal allows for snapback sanctions. Sen. Schumer “And the “snapback sanctions” provisions seem
cumbersome and difficult to use.”
5.
He erroneously believes there will still
be a break out time of 2-3 months after 10 years of them spinning countless centrifuges.
It will be 2 days. What if they decide to weaponized quickly then and put their
nuks on 10000 ICBMs and missiles and fire them at Israel and USA, can he
guarantee we can or will stop them all. OR what if the thousands of Iranian
agents in latin America smuggle dirty bombs across our porous southern border
and blow up 100 city downtowns? Can he guarantee with this plan we can stop
that?
6.
He believes he can trust this administration
to take action should Iran cheat and develop nuclear weapons. How can he believe
that? ON what basis? Obama has let Islamic terrorism flourish. He pretends to
fight ISIS, who are no weaker now than one year ago. Obama ignored his red lines about Syria.
Under his watch Iran has conquered 4 Arab capitals. Obama was in such a hurry
to pull out of Iraq that he left and the vacuum created Isis . Obama tried to
get Moslem brotherhood terrorist Morsi in power in Egypt. Obama cannot even say
the phrase “Islamic terror”. He would never wage war against Iran.
7. He
does not understand what benefit there would be in rejecting this bad deal,
even after we pointed out its many deep flaws. Sen. Schumer “After 15
years of relief from sanctions, Iran would be stronger financially and
better able to advance a robust nuclear program. More important, the agreement would allow
Iran, after 10 to 15 years, to be a nuclear-threshold state with the blessing
of the world community. It would have a green light to be as close, if not closer, to
possessing a nuclear weapon than it is today. And the ability to thwart Iran
would have less moral and economic force.
If Iran’s true intent is to get a nuclear weapon, under this agreement,
it must simply exercise patience. After 10 years, it can be very close to
achieving that goal, its nuclear program will be codified in an agreement
signed by the US and other nations. If Iran is the same nation it is today,
we’ll be worse off with this agreement than without it…I am against this deal
because I believe Iran won’t change, and under this agreement it will be able
to achieve its dual goals of eliminating sanctions while ultimately retaining
its nuclear and non-nuclear power.
8.
What would be a better option than this
deal?
What a Good Iran Deal
Would Look Like By MICHAEL B. OREN July
21, 2015
A. WHY THIS DEAL IS BAD
Proponents of the nuclear deal
with Iran claim that it is the best one possible. They also say that the
international sanctions on Iran could not have been maintained indefinitely,
and that Europe, Russia and China would soon violate them. The deal’s advocates
have accused Israel and other critics of failing to propose an alternative to
the current agreement. And, most radically, they warn that either America
accepts this deal or goes to war.
None of these
assertions is true.
1. Instead of blocking
Iran’s path to nuclear weaponry, the deal, in fact, provides two paths.
a. Under its terms, Iran
could develop advanced centrifuges capable of enriching uranium at 20 times the
current rate. By repeatedly exploiting the 24-day head start that the deal
affords Iran before it has to let international inspectors visit a suspected
site, the ayatollahs could cheat and make a bomb well within the deal’s 10-year
time frame.
b. Or Iran could comply
with the agreement and emerge with all of its nuclear facilities intact and
thousands of advanced centrifuges that can produce an entire arsenal of bombs
in virtually no time at all.
2. And while Iran likely
chooses between these two paths to atomic bombs, its neighbors, beginning with
Saudi Arabia, would rush to acquire their own. The result would be a strategic
arms race that would transform the already unstable Middle East into a nuclear
powder keg.
3. In the interim, Iran
would be released from the sanctions that took the world a decade to impose.
These cannot be “snapped back” if Iran were to violate the deal, as its
defenders contend, but reinstated only after a lengthy international process
that excludes all the contracts signed by Iran before it were to cheat. As
such, the deal serves as an incentive for foreign companies to sign a great
number of short- and medium-term contracts with Iran. The windfall is estimated
to reach $700 billion, according to Israeli government sources.
4. That cash could be
used by Iran to fund its global terrorist network, its efforts to overthrow
pro-Western governments in the Middle East, and its continuing massacre of
Syrians, Palestinians and Yemenis. The money could purchase the world’s most
advanced weapons systems, all of which the deal would make available to Iran by
eventually lifting the arms embargo. Iran could upgrade the 100,000 rockets in
Hezbollah’s arsenal with independent guidance systems capable of targeting any
site in Israel — oil refineries, airports, even the Knesset. The Jewish state
will face its first conventional strategic threat in more than 40 years.
Finally, Iran could invest in extending the range of its intercontinental
ballistic missiles, the sole purpose of which is to carry nuclear warheads.
Intelligence sources estimate that, in a few years, Iranian ICBMs will be able
to hit the United States’ East Coast.
5. All of these
activities could be coordinated by Iranian military commander Qassem Suleimani
and Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, father of Iran’s nuclear weaponization program, whose
United Nations sanctions reportedly are being lifted. Meanwhile, Iran’s
centrifuges would continue to spin. And American security forces that once
tried to penetrate Iran’s nuclear program would then — astonishingly, according
to the deal’s Annex 3, Section D10 — be obligated to help protect it.
B.
Could a better deal
have been achieved? The answer — emphatically — is yes.
The biting sanctions enacted by Congress,
and approved by President Barack Obama, halted the Iranian nuclear program.
They also forced the Iranians to the negotiating table where they would have
remained and made far-reaching concessions were the sanctions intensified or at
least sustained. These sanctions presented Tehran’s international customers
with a choice: Either do business with Iran or with the United States. Russia,
China and others might have protested continuing sanctions on Iran but, in the
end, it is highly unlikely that they would have forfeited access to America’s
$17 trillion economy to cut oil deals with Iran.
These were the terms that Israel sought
and communicated to American decision makers. We have the greatest interest in
reaching a good diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear threat, and the most
to lose from either a bad deal or a resort to force. After all, in any
confrontation with Iran, Hezbollah and other proxies are poised to fire
thousands of rockets at our homes.
Israel would have embraced an agreement
that significantly rolled back the number of centrifuges and nuclear facilities
in Iran and that linked any sanctions relief to demonstrable changes in its
behavior. No more state support of terror, no more threatening America’s Middle
Eastern allies, no more pledges to destroy the world’s only Jewish state and no
more mass chants of “Death to America.” Israel would have welcomed any
arrangement that monitored Iran’s ICBMs and other offensive weaponry. Such a
deal, Israeli leaders across the political spectrum agree, was and remains
attainable.
The alternative to this deal is not, as
its supporters insist, war, but a better deal. Indeed, the present
agreement will likely escalate, rather than avert, conflict. Already Iranian
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has pledged to continue Iran’s armed struggle
against the United States. Iran Defense Minister Hossein Dehghan has sworn to
prevent inspections of suspect Iranian nuclear sites. Syrian dictator Bashar
Assad, the only Arab leader to celebrate the deal, can continue to butcher his
own civilian population with impunity.
It is not too late to prevent this catastrophe.
But doing so will require leadership and clear-sightedness. Americans must be
informed about the perils that this deal poses not only to the Middle East but
to their own families. They must understand that at stake here is not
personality or legacy, but rather the security and, indeed, the lives of
millions. A good deal is still possible for those with the courage to forge it.
No comments:
Post a Comment